2011年6月29日 星期三

我在底層的生活

 More about 我在底層的生活 Nickel and Dimed

這是一本描述米國底層生活的著述,雖然不是非常社會科學的著作,但是卻非常的真實。因為作者本身身歷其境的去體驗了底層的生活,同時也試著在這樣的生活底下讓自己的收支能夠儘量的平衡,不過最後她卻證明了這樣的努力是失敗的,除非能夠勉強自己做出體能能夠負荷以外的工作份量。

這本書個人相當喜愛,因為不那麼的社會科學,因此沒有那些過多的分析或者對於現象偏差的描述。幾乎全部的文本都是作者的心得和她對於實際遭遇狀況或者同事的狀況的描述,即使因為作者本人依舊還是有著她來自白人中產階級的優勢,因此使得她的狀況依舊比她其他的同事要來的好上很多,不過我們依舊可以在她的描述中看到她本人以及她的那些同事們在生活中的掙扎和無助。

更重要的,這樣的一本書,提示著我們,那些有時會被政客粉飾、被學者忽視,或者某些經濟學家根本上宣稱的已經被消滅的貧窮,依舊在二十世紀以來地球上最富庶的土地上存在著,只是我們的社會已經逐漸習慣於對這樣的現象裝作沒看到或者冷漠以對了。這樣的一本書也許沒有辦法告訴深陷其中者要怎麼脫離貧困,也沒辦法告訴外於貧窮者要作些什麼幫助他們,但這本書至少揭示了這樣的狀況依舊存在,不該被忽視,同時有些人應該要作些什麼。

更重要的,如果你是各中產階級,當你看完這本書,請記得對你生活中那些未必被看見而且被你當作理所當然的服務和完成這些服務的人們,致上你的謝意和對他們的尊敬。畢竟,至少這是一個宣稱自己是平等而不是奴隸的社會,人們應該對於自己所獲得的一切服務感到感謝而非漠視甚至是藐視。

2011年5月6日 星期五

Where is the mystery?

More about The Mystery of Capital



  In this book, the main argument that de Soto made is he found a mystery of why capitalism only can bloom in the West. When capitalism penetrated to every corner of the world, scholars found that capitalism withered in most of place and want to find the answer and cure this problem. Hernando de Soto is one of them. Unlike other scholars, he argues that the main reason that capitalism cannot bloom outside the West is not because people in other places are lazy, or because they are not protestant so they don’t have those kinds of ascetic attitude to face their businesses. It also is not because all non-westerners are lazy or there are some blindness rooted in their cultural tradition that blocks them to be successful in modern capitalized market. He argues that the main question for these countries—including developing countries and former communistic countries—is laid on their legal system of property. According to he and his colleagues’ research around the world, they find that these countries actually have a lot of property which controlled by their poor people. Therefore, if these countries want to improve their economic condition and develop their countries. All they need to do is turning their legal system to be friendly to and more embodied in people’s daily need and their habit.

  Generally speaking, I agree the main argument that the author made in this book, the formal property system is one of the most important things in market-based society in modern sense[1]. Without formalizing property, it would be difficult to count what people have, and that would be hard for people to exchange goods or property by monetary. de Soto clearly points out that the most important feature of capitalism is that everything has its own price, and this price is decided after comparing with other goods. In other words, he follows Marx’s doctrine that use value is not meaningful in market. It is exchange value that promises the blooming of capitalism. Also, exchange value is the reason for de Soto that why developing or former communistic countries need to establish a formal property system which is friendly and easy to included most of property in people’s hand as soon as they can.  

However, there are several problems I want to discuss in this article. First of all, I think there is a problem which de Soto overlook in his premise. When he argues that it is not cultural differences that cause countries outside the West cannot develop capitalism well, I can see that he really want to against ethnic stereotype or some kind of racism arguments. He urgently wants to clarify that the failure in those third world countries is not based on a unique sort, on the contrary, it is because some universal things that they didn’t do very well. In other words, he tries to prove that the differences between third world countries and the West is not a fundamental difference, but a degree one. Just give third world countries some time and they can get better and better.

 The author has a correct observation in this point without doubt. However, this cannot be an evident to support that the failure of capitalism in countries outside the West is not because their culture. Especially when he uses the evident that all merchants or vendors in the third world countries or former communistic countries work as hard as those in the West. He actually excludes any possible cultural differences between those merchants or vendors. Different cultural norm can direct its carries to the same termination. The same result cannot be an evident to support the same cause. In other words, diligent vendors that split around the world cannot be an evident that the capitalism fail in the third world countries or former communistic countries. In other words, an alternative argument can be made and it is still workable when discussing about the failure of capitalism outside of the West, that is all countries has its own cultural reason to block them succeed in develop the capitalism in their own nations.

In other words, I argue that the author is over reducing phenomena around the world. He over simplify the reason why capitalism cannot penetrated and rooted in the third world and former communistic countries. This will undermine his effort to certify the importance of formal property system in any country that in his list. For example, the capitalism couldn’t develop very well in China during the late 19th century and early 20th century. However, this didn’t mean that there was no formal property system existed in China. On the contrary, the measurement technics and the recorded method had been developed thousands of years in China. Each dynasty regularly measures and records the land, property in every household. Although we can argue that even under such kind of survey, there must exists extralegal area in China which would be definitely truth, but the extralegal area might not be a big issue for Chinese economic when Chinese encounters capitalism in the beginning.

 In contrast, the reason that block Chinese to develop capitalism probably is laid on their cultural domain. It is their ethnicity ethos that always emphasizes on studying and becomes a successful officer can achieve higher social status than farmer. And a farmer should earn higher status than a merchant. In other words, it is this ranking system of occupation that might block or at least, discourages people to involve in commercial pursuits. de Soto doesn’t discuss this possibility in some countries which have their long term history. Even more, he ignores those countries’ history. Here, we can borrow the same argument which Eric Wolf made in his book to criticize the Western point of view: all people who live outside the West are people without history.

  Again, this cannot be good for an analysis because when treating people who have their own history as none. It is an over simplify mistake that the author made. This situation will also undermine the author’s argument. If the extralegal economic activity is a pan-global phenomenon, then it might have different appearance and cause in different area. That will prevent the author to dig deeper into the ground of real life.

The last thing I would like to argue here is that the author misuses the concept of capital in Marx’s sense. For Marx, capital is totally an abstractive concept. Human creates capital by exploiting nature and producing different types of commodities to satisfy daily need. He argues that all commodities have two different values, one is use value and another is exchange value. The use value is the value that related to a product’s raw material and its physical characteristics, but the use value is not the thing that Marx really concerns, it is the exchange value that is the thing Marx focusing on. In his discussion, the exchange value doesn’t have a physical based because the exchange value is created during the labor process. It is human labor including the labor time and labor quality that creates the exchange value. Since the exchange value is the thing that measures the value of a commodity in market. It is also the source of the capital. To be short, in Marx sense, the accumulation of capital is not necessary related to the physical property because all the exchange value is not created from raw material or natural resource but from human effort.

In this notion, we can see that the author does not share the same capital concept with Marx. For de Soto, he uses the concept of property to replace the concept of capital. As he says:

Property is not the house itself but an economic concept about the house, embodied in a legal representation. This means that a formal property representation is something separate from the asset it represents.  
                                           (de Soto; 2000; P.50)

Property for him is an equal concept as capital for Marx. However, he still uses the capital at the same time and believes that formalize the property representation can help to create capital. In this regard, what he considers about the capital is nothing more than a representative system. Capital only occurs and can be accumulated after everything represented correctly by official record, it is nothing correlated with human labor. It is hard to persuade me that capital is a concept can be only located at the symbolic domain without considering any human labor.

  I’m not arguing that formal legal system is not important when a country which wants to capitalize its economic, but over-emphasizing the symbolic aspect of capital might encourage the author to overlook several crucial factors that cause poverty. For example, it encourages the author that after a country establishes a formal property system which is friendly to most of its people, and then the poverty problem can be diminished automatically. This is not a case that happens in real world.
   To sum up, I generally agree with the author that formal legal system for recoding every detail of property is an important factor in those countries which struggling to record the property on their land. I also agree that there is more mental effort need to be done than the physical one. However, considering that the author ignores some historical factors, cultural differences and over reduction of phenomena. I cannot agree with him that the formal legal system is the main issue that we should concern. And also, the mystery of capital is not only hidden behind history of the West, but is in the fracture of world history.  


[1] It is worth to mention that, here, I use the market-based in modern sense is comparing to Karl Polanyi’s argument—market appears in human society earlier than capitalism for a long time, therefore, we should separate these two concepts instead to see that market based society is a by-product of capitalism.

2011年4月25日 星期一

總是要傷透了心的人類學

More about 傷心人類學

在我書寫我對於這本書的閱讀心得前,必須要自白的事情是,或許因為身邊有許多的女性主義的支持者,而一定程度上我也將自己定位在也許不一定做的很好,但總是努力的意識著自己身為男性身份和行為可能會無意識的造成著當我存在場合中女性感受到的性別壓迫並且盡可能的避免之。畢竟,我知道自己的形式風格中的某些元素,是非常有可能造成這樣的狀況出現的。

不過,也不可諱言的,很多的時候,當我的朋友們以不假思索的女性主義觀點,或者過度簡化的語彙批評著台灣男性霸權狀態時也還是讓我渾身的不舒坦,想要大吼著生下來就是男性不該成為一種原罪,就像女性主義強調女性不該生下來就被壓迫一般。這樣不舒服的經驗一定程度上也造成了我對女性主義的猶豫和質疑。至於另外一些信仰著女性主義者的學者在公開場合高喊著性別平等私下卻不終止的壓迫不管那一性別的助理一事就算了不提了。

而就在帶著這樣的猶豫與質疑的狀態下,我意外的開始了「傷心人類學」的閱讀。在一開始時或者我也是擔心著如同導論者所言,我會不會也把這本書中 Behar 的許多觀點、焦慮、破碎當作是一種庸人自擾,或者是為了特意凸顯身為女性所具有的善感特質。這些未開始的焦慮都讓我採取著一種略有防衛的心態閱讀此書,或許從這點看來,一定程度上,我也可以把自己當作是一個容易傷心的男性人類學研究生吧?抱著某種我們依舊可以跨越生理界線的鴻溝來理解他人經驗的天真的研究生,在某些事物上是真的滿容易受傷的。

但,我所擔心的在閱讀的同時為作者的限定所隔離的狀態並未出現,而她的書寫也沒有逼迫我闔上書後要對天下女性說對不起只因為我該死的是個男性一類的話語。相反地,在整個閱讀的過程中,我非常的享受(其實這樣講也許不太妥當,畢竟這是一本傷心過後的沉思所完成的作品,用享受感覺滿糟糕的)或者說非常欲罷不能的句句章章不停的閱讀下去。原因,其實簡單,就是因為她所觸及到的其實許多情緒或者議題,雖然的確還是有很多是女性所特有的經驗,而無法為身為男性的閱讀者用切身經驗去感受,但 Behar 的書寫和她所採取的立場卻讓即使有著不同背景的讀者也可以超越這些背景所可能設下的障礙(當然我相信不同的背景可能還是會造成閱讀後有不同的讀後感這也是沒錯的),去感受到她所感受的,即使我們都知道,那不可能是真的她所感受到的,不過至少,這樣的閱讀過程產生的是一個提示的作用。

於我,這個提示在於,即使我清楚的知道很多的女性經驗不可能為我所經驗,但這些經驗不僅存在,而且對於女性非常的重要,就和某些男性的生命歷程比如說當兵一類的一般,是不可被忽略也不可被化約對待的。

這個提示也在於,自身對於某些思潮的態度,其實是無意識的使用刻板印象去構成的,就好像認為女性主義的立場表達了一種如同男子氣概的強硬般,這不知道哪裡來的刻板印象其實造成了我對於女性主義的誤解,而一定程度上,這本書雖說未必真的矯正了我這種偏差的看法(畢竟我相信真正的矯正應當來自我真正下苦心去閱讀大多女性主義經典的那天),但卻提示著我女性主義文本一樣有其柔軟和同理的一面,世界可以不必是如此二分和對立的。

於此同時,除了在這種個人立場上的思考之外,在人類學面相這本書可以引發的思考也一樣的很不含糊。比如說在第五章中,當 Behar 討論著離散經驗和其自身對於課堂名稱選擇的思考時,也提醒著其實當代許多人類學中主流的議題,背後的先驗前提往往是被我們忽略的,而盲目跟隨的結果就是,也許我們永遠不會走出自己的路,永遠找不到那個曾經被大聲嚷嚷過,不過最近似乎又被丟在一邊的「我們要本土化人類學」這樣的夢。

最後,其實沒有什麼該多說得,這是一本如果還不在書櫃中,那應該天亮了就趕快去買一本來看看的好書!不管認不認識人類學,不管是男性女性或者哪個性,我想這都是本讀來舒服,又可以引發很多思考的好書!

2011年4月9日 星期六

Regarding the Pain of Others

More about 旁觀他人之痛苦

每次念 Sontag的書不論是論攝影或者是這一本,都有一種被右鉤拳打臉的痛楚。或者是因為自己也是一個喜歡攝影的人,並且也總是以某種特定的、無意識的視角在關注著世界。因此當 Sontag在這些書裡頭提出這樣的視角可能帶有的偏見以及不恰當時,就有種被揍了的痛楚。

在這本書中, Sontag要探討的主題是,當代由於傳播媒介的多元和發達,許許多多發生在他方的戰事或者災禍被輕易的利用先進的影像傳輸科技遞送到了每一個人的家中。而這樣的影像究竟導致了人們對於慘事的麻木或者是激起了世界對於這些事情的關注,就是這本書主要探討的核心議題。

Sontag指出,其實兩者不僅同時存在,而且兩者同樣的都不甚恰當,我們必須正視當我們帶著憐憫的觀點看待這些慘事,甚或是我們的麻木不仁的背後都代表著某種特定情境、階級或者族群所產生的特權心態。因為我們是一群未曾遭逢戰火蹂躪的人群,所以我們才有機會在書桌、電視機前蹉嘆著世界他方的悲慘。而這樣的態度、視角對於正在發生中的事情是於是無補也無濟於事的。我們需要一種更積極的視角以對之。

這樣的言說同樣的也讓我想到了人類學長期以來其實都帶著某種特定的視角在觀看著世界,而這樣的視角是否依舊恰當(我猜想是有問題的),在未來我們又應該用怎樣的視角來觀看世界,也許是應該不斷的被反省和思考的問題。

2011年4月5日 星期二

關於阿媽的二三事


























    阿爸來催稿,要寫些關於阿媽的小故事,在最後時好讓大家緬懷。

    印象中,在我很小很小的時候,阿媽家還是在南京東路,這個時期的我最常有機會去阿媽家的時候,往往是在阿母出差或者我生病的時候,因為阿母和阿爸當時的事業正在衝刺的時期,所以很多的時候並沒有太多的時間照顧我,因此我就會在他們不在台北的時候住在阿媽家或者姨媽家,晚上總是睡在一樓的房間裡頭,一個很傳統的老床上頭。記得小時候,每回生病發燒,阿爸阿母就會帶我去好像在武昌街上一家小兒科看完醫生,有時燒得厲害還要打針一類的,然後就直接驅車把我放去阿媽家,然後我就西哩呼嚕的睡上幾天,真是高枕無憂,只因為,阿媽總是很細心的照料我的飲食,注意我發燒的溫度,然後總是在該吃藥的時候要我把藥給吃了再睡,或者也因為總是受到這麼周詳的照料,幫我的現在打下了很好得底子吧?我想。

   後來,因為一家子的兄弟姊妹都在長大,然後全部聚集在福德國小裡頭就學,阿公阿媽為了替當時都還年輕的大家照顧我們這些小鬼,就近的搬到了福德街來。和原本南京東路的大房相比,阿公阿媽其實犧牲了自己生活的舒適性,為的就是讓兒女、孫子孫女外孫一塊兒得到他們的照應。

    搬了這個家的決定,其實現在看起來,絕對是對我們上下三代有著重大影響的決策。因為一家子人住的近了,生活上有個照應之外,阿媽家就成了我們這些大大小小的兄弟姊妹們放學後的集散地,放學之後的大家,第一站總是回到這兒,一起上餐桌開飯,一起做功課,偶爾跟阿公下圍棋,然後,隨著大家的下班,陸續的姨媽姨丈、大舅舅媽、我娘等等的陸陸續續的會來阿媽家接小孩,在那個連安親班這個詞彙都還沒有確定下來的時代,阿媽家就是我們放學後的安親班,大家都在這兒。一定程度上,這也成了我們這群兄弟姊妹當時打打鬧鬧,而現在感情維繫的很穩固的主要原因之一。因為阿媽家的關係,我們每天都生活在一起。 

    長大後,不在家的時間變多了,人也變衝了,於是跟家裡發生了很多咀齬,那是個憤世嫉俗,啥都看不順眼的年代。因此,跟阿爸阿母發生了很多的衝突。而這種時候,阿媽總是那個想當和事佬的人,那個時候的我,總是嫌阿媽很囉唆,怕接到阿媽打來的電話,因為其實往往電話裡頭的阿媽要講得就是三件事情,不過每件都會各講三次,因此一通電話聽下來往往都是半小時一個鐘頭之譜。但也或者正是這樣不斷的重複再重複,產生了一種潛移默化之效吧?紛爭雖然不是每次都可以成功的立刻平息,但總是再這樣的電話中,我多多少少的學會了在阿媽心中那個,理想的家人相處之道,雖然一直到現在也不一定全部都做的到,但都是牢記在心中的。大學之後,阿媽的電話更往往是我唯一會讓自己走進理髮店的唯一動力。

    然後,阿媽是日治時代接受教育的人,阿公也是,他二位都在學校裡頭工作,在那個年代接受教育並且擔任教職的,已經可以稱為是台灣人中的社會精英了,即使如此,我從來不曾在阿媽身上看過那份當代的社會精英總是特有的驕傲。阿媽從來沒有架子,總是很謙虛的接受和傾聽著所有人的言說,然後把她覺得好的、有道理的用自己的話講給我們聽。阿媽從來也不吝於以自己的經驗為例,告訴我們哪些路可能是比較好走、或者哪些方法是比較好解決事情的途徑;更不吝在很多的時候,用一些自嘲的方式讓大家開心。不過,其實很多的時候,如果用心的聽,會發現,阿媽的很多話裡頭,都含藏著深刻的生活體驗,然後是把歲月濃縮在短短的幾句話裡頭講出來的睿智。

     這篇短文,也許有些瑣碎,也許沒有什麼組織,但,就是在這些片段中,阿媽的形象永存在我的心中。

2011年4月2日 星期六

阿媽,哩走厚喔~


親愛的阿媽:

   都假,電話裡聽到阿母跟我說妳離開了,沒辦法直接跟妳說到再見,只好寫成這樣的一封信,希望妳看得到。今天在美國,還是四月一號,其實我還有點希望,這是妳跟我們大家開得一個玩笑,但是我知道,妳在這兒的旅途已經結束了,新的一段要開始了,阿媽,哩愛走厚喔!

    阿媽,我跟妳說,雖然有的時候我會覺得有一點點囉唆,雖然有時當妳同一件事情在電話裡講到第三遍時我會偷偷把話筒拿遠一點,雖然我有時候會忘記剪頭髮刮鬍子直到被妳看到為止。但是,妳交待的事情我都有記得,妳要我不要和人吵架打架,我記得;妳要我要好好聽阿爸阿母的話,我記得;妳要我凡事多忍耐一點,脾氣不要那麼衝,我也記得。雖然有的時候不一定做的到做的好,但是我都有記得,而且,也都會努力的去做,哩賣煩落。

    有些事情,雖然已經過很久了,瞴知哩給ㄟ記勒某?我小時候長水痘,住在妳家,那個時候是夏天,外頭很熱,不過哩嘎阿公都很節省,平常時再熱都不會開冷氣的。但是,在那幾天裡,我記得,冷氣總是開著沒有停過,就只是為了要讓我不要那麼難受,就只是為了讓我舒服一點,多謝妳,雖然我從來沒有說過,但是,我一直都有記在心裡喔~

  還有,我記得因為我愛吃肉,所以妳特別去研究了怎麼滷肉才會好吃,就是為了要讓我吃到好吃的豬肉。當時年紀還小的我,隴瞴知哩ㄟ苦心,現在,我自己一個人在外頭討生活,要開始自己煮飯煮菜,滷肉給自己吃;阿媽,我偷偷給哩共,其實我來尬這,自己有滷過兩三次哩做的滷肉喔,但是,每次都不滿意,因為我總是覺得,滷出來的都沒有妳做的好吃。妳看這樣好不好,等我回去,我再滷一鍋,妳再跟我說我哪裡需要改進,好某?
 
  哇栽,雖然金罵看起來,哩沒法度來參加哇未來的畢業典禮啊~但是哇栽哩絕對沒忘記這件代誌,哇一定ㄟ領真讀冊,絕對沒吼哩失望。哇栽,哩可能系想共機票太貴坐飛玲太累了,金賣哩丟ㄟ賽直接過來隴免搭飛玲機啊丟某? 給吼哇幾年,哇一定ㄟ吼哩看丟那一天的。

   阿媽,哩愛走厚喔,阿公汶大家ㄟ照顧,哩免煩落,等哇返去台灣,哇一定ㄟ去吼哩看,汶大家馬ㄟ照顧自己,哩免煩落啦~這張相片阿媽妳帶著,不管哩走到斗,我們都陪著妳。



                                                                                          孫    

                                                                                               浩右
                                                                                                        敬上

2011年3月16日 星期三

Lake Bryan



























今天天氣大好
決定不要繼續龜在家裡不適生產
雖然出去也不會有生產力
但是走走總是可以改變一下心情
                                                                               
不過因為報告還沒寫書也還沒唸
所以有點罪惡感和壓力使然的情況下
今天選擇只去隔壁城市的一個湖泊
叫做 Lake Bryan
(話說 College Station和Bryan是 Twins city,在一百年前德州州政府要蓋
A&M時 Bryan市民反對所以在城外撥了一塊地蓋學校,百年以後發展成了現在的卡城
以前似乎只是一個火車還是公車的一站而已)
                                                                              

這湖不大用走得大概一個鐘頭就可以繞完
湖水溷濁也不是很漂亮
不過
天空很藍、又有老鷹翱翔天際
對我來說
這就夠了

                                                                               
坐在湖邊的椅子上拍了些照片
正要驅車離開時發現另外一個湖釣區的對岸有一條小步道
於是再次停車之後就往步道走去
離開了柏油路之後走沒兩步
一滴眼淚就莫名奇妙的滴下來了
我自己都覺得莫名
男兒有淚不輕談不是?
於是我邊走邊想,這滴眼淚是再流什麼意思?
                                                                               
這步道是條小徑
沒有任何人工鋪設的物品在上頭
就是簡單的硬土和一點碎石小路
在加上落葉帶來的柔軟效果
走起來就像是台灣山上的林道一般的舒適


                                                                               
一直都滿喜歡走林道的
因為不是很難,但卻總是舒適
在林道上總是不用多想的走著,也不用擔心落隊的朋友會迷途
因為路就只有這一條
簡單、舒服,大約就是林道總是給我的印象
然後,也總是在林道上
不知為何的
我會有一種大地是萬物的母親的感覺
溫和而柔軟的印象
在這些的登山旅途中
已經深深的烙印在我的身體記憶中了


                                                                               
不過,當完兵之後因為工作
和其他的一些原因
卻使得我很久很久一陣子沒有辦法讓自己在愉快的走在山中小徑上了
                                                                               
印象中,出國前的年假原本打算要來一次大爬的
卻因為橋不定隊友
最後只剩下我跟阿姐兩人
然後最後又因為某些原因而取消
於是,我就這麼離開山徑兩年多了
兩年也許不多長
但卻足夠讓人忘掉那個曾經再熟悉也不過得觸感了
                                                                               
而那滴眼淚,是我的身體告訴我
對,你又回來了
雖然那不是一條山徑





                                                                               
而那滴眼淚,是我的身體告訴我
對,你又回來了
雖然那不是一條山徑
只是一條再平凡也平坦也不過的湖邊小徑了
不過那種大地的感覺
卻很確實的傳進了我心中了
                                                                               
下次回到台灣
哪怕是只有一個人 Solo
我也要上山